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© 1994-2002 Wim van
Binsbergen[1]
Ethnicity in Botswana
From 1988 onwards, the African Studies
Centre, Leiden, in association with the Ministry of Local
Government, Lands and Housing, Republic of Botswana, has carried
out social science research in Francistown, the major town
dominating Botswana’s Northeast district. Francistown turned
out to be strategically placed from a point of view of ethnicity
studies, since this rapidly growing town (the second largest town
in the country) finds itself in the centre of a region which is
inhabited by Botswana’s largest and most vocal ethnic minority,
the Kalanga. The town is also the cradle of some of the
country’s major opposition parties (those which have a strong
Kalanga base), and of a relatively large number of African
Independent churches, which here (in a region which from the late
19th century had been adminstered by the White-controlled Tati
Company instead of by chiefs) found a freedom from chiefly
control and therefore also a sanctuary from the ethnic
particularism associated with any chief. The ethnic composition
of Francistown, and its effect on the economic, political,
social, linguistic, judicial and religious scene, are discussed
with greater or lesser detail in a number of publications
springing from the earlier project
More in general, however, there is a remarkable paucity of
publications specifically on ethnicity in Botswana.
At first sight this stands to reason. A country that is called
‘Land of the Tswana people’ (the literal meaning of the
Tswana word ‘Botswana’), and that boasts Tswana, in addition
to English, as its national language, could effectively pose as
an ethnic monolith. This is how Botswana is actually perceived,
not only by its ruling elite (who overwhelmingly identify as
Tswana themselves) and in their official pronouncements made on
behalf of the Botswana state, but also by researchers both inside
the country and internationally.
On closer analysis, however, there are a number of contexts in
which this monolithic capacity of ethnicity in Botswana needs to
be problematized.
1.
Intra-Tswana divisions.
Schapera, the doyen of Botswana studies, has
repeatedly discussed (Schapera 1952, 1984) the ‘tribal’
composition of the Tswana groups in Botswana, defining the
territorial organization and historical background of the major
groups. These are the notorious ‘eight tribes’ whose names,
in alphabetical order, have found their way into the Botswana
constitution:
‘The
ex-officio Members of the House of Chiefs shall be such persons
as are for the time being performing the functions of the office
of Chief in respect of the BaKgatla, Bakwena, Bamalete,
Bamangwato, Bangwaketse, Barolong, Batawana and Batlokwa Tribes,
respectively.’ (Botswana Constitution, ch. 78)[2]
Especially Schapera’s monograph on Ethnic
composition of the Botswana tribes (1952) goes into great
detail with regard to the internal divisions within the Kgatla,
Kwena, Lete, Ngwato, Ngwaketse, Rolong, Tawana and Tlokwa. There,
other ethnic groups do not receive treatment in their own right
but appear as ethnic elements subsumed under Tswana territorial
chiefs of any of the eight designations: especially those
non-Tswana whom Tswana-speakers call Sarwa (i.e. San
in an established academic nomenclature, or Bushmen in a
now discarded White ethnocentric nomenclature), as well as
Kgalakgadi and Kalanga. Writing long before the time that ethnic
studies had exploded the classic tribal model in anthropology,
Schapera (1952) offers little more than an elaborate ethnic
taxonomy on historical principles. What in the light of later
literature would be obvious questions are of course not posed at
this stage, for instance:
— How does the boundary definition between
these intra-Tswana groups come about in the social, political,
economic, political and judicial process? To what extent is such
boundary definition situational, disputed, and changeable over
time?
— does an implied hierarchy
underlie these apparently co-ordinative (horizontal) ethnic
divisions, and if so (as is usually the case in any ethnic field)
how is that reflected both in social interaction between their
members (settlement patterns, marriage structures, access to
scarce ecological resources — especially land) and differential
recognition by, and access to, the central state of these groups
and their senior representatives?
— To what extent do the ethnic
distinctions coincide not only with geographical distribution,
but also with ecological specialization within the
territory of Botswana?
— In ways which still require much further
research to elucidate, these historic ethnic divisions among the
Tswana-speakers in Botswana are still relevant in the sphere of
neo-traditional politics (chiefs, House of Chiefs, customary
courts, and to some extent the Land Boards which allocate land
and therefore hold the key to rural development and rural elite
involvement); the enshrining of these ethnic divisions (ignoring
other similar divisions, involving non-Tswana speakers) in the
Independence Constitution of Botswana already points to the comparatively
close links that exist in this country between neo-traditional
politics and the post-colonial state. What is the nature of these
links? What explains their exceptional characteristics as
compared to other African countries?
— How does intra-Tswana ethnicity define differential
access to modern state resources? How does it inform modern party
politics in this country which is often cited as a rare
example of consistent multi-partyism ever since its attainment of
Independence? Most of the parties active on the Botswana scene
have been recognized to carry ethnic overtones: Botswana
Democratic Party (in power since before Independence, which was
obtained in 1966) has a strong link with the Ngwato; its founding
President, Sir Seretse Khama, was Botswana’s first national
President, as well as the heir apparent to the Ngwato
Paramountcy. The Botswana National Front, the major opposition
party which for years has controlled the City Council of the
national capital Gaborone, has strong Ngwaketse tendencies. The
numerically insignificant Botswana Independence Party has mainly
Tawana support, while the Botswana Democratic Union as well as
the Botswana People’s Party had a strong base among the Kalanga
people who, while nominally Ngwato for the simple reason of
living within the Ngwato administrative boundaries, constitute
the largest and most vocal ethnic group outside the Tswana
cluster ; also, the Kalanga ethnic group inside Botswana is
larger than any of the constituent groups within the Tswana
cluster. While these correspondences can hardly be overlooked by
any casual student of Botswana post-Independence politics, and
have received some passing attention in the literature, they have
not yet been subjected to systematic study by political
scientists.
— In addition to the study of formal
political structures, ethnicity in African countries has been
recognized to create particularistic, informal networks of
appropriation and distribution of such resources as are
controlled by or via the state. The functioning of
intra-Tswana divisions in this context remains to be studied.
— Botswana is not the only political unit
in the Southern African region which seeks to base its stability
and integration on a publicly proclaimed Tswana identity: the
same would apply to that creation of the apartheid state,
Bophutotswana. The news media from that bantustan are widely
received in Botswana, and have a considerable impact on modern
urban culture. What other effects does the closeness of South
Africa, and particularly of a Tswana bantustan, have on Tswana
ethnicity in Botswana itself?
— International dimensions of Botswana
ethnicity can also be studied with regard to some of the
non-Tswana groups which are not confined to the Botswana national
territory, notably the Kalanga (also found in Zimbabwe), Herero
(also in Namibia), San (also in Namibia and South Africa),
Ndebele (also in Zimbabwe and — since recently — Zambia),
Afrikaanders (all over Southern Africa but particularly in South
Africa), and English (all ovef Southern Africa). Let us therefore
now turn to a discussion of the non-Tswana ethnic groups in
Botswana.
2. The Kalanga
As a relatively large ethnic group
straddling the Botswana/Zimbabwe border, as speakers of a
language which, as a form of western Shona is not mutually
intelligible with the Tswana (= western Sotho) language, as
political, cultural and (via the cult of the High God Mwali)
religious heirs to the impressive state systems centring on the
Zimbabwe plateau since the beginning of the present millennium,
the Kalanga have been relatively well studied, but until recently
little attention has been paid to their inter-ethnic relations
with the Tswana within the national state of Botswana (Picard
1987; Masale 1985; van Binsbergen 1994). With their own
traditional rulers reduced to sub-chiefs (kgosana) under
Ngwato overlords since the mid-19th century (with a particularly
traumatic period under the regency of Seretse’s paternal uncle
Tshekedi), Kalanga ethnic activists perceive their own identity
primarily in antagonism to the Ngwato. Ecologically much of Bukalaka
(a Tswana name meaning ‘Kalanga-land’) used to allow for
arable crops, by contrast to the more exclusive emphasis on
livestock among the Tswana-speaking groups. Greater access to
mission and hence education, and the ethnic access to the
Zimbabwean hinterland, also created inequalities between the
Tswana and the Kalanga. Meanwhile we have to realize that
Tswana-speakers, in the form of Khurutshe of the Mpofu (Eland)
totem), have lived in northeastern Botswana from the early
nineteenth century at least, while Kalanga (using, or not using,
the Kalanga language) have for a comparable period had their own
wards in Ngwato capitals; the hardening of ethnic distinctions
appears a matter of the twentieth century and an assessment of
ethnic relations in the pre-colonial period may reveal little in
the way of entrtenched historical antagonism. The contemporary
Kalanga situation is characterized by an interesting dilemma:
while some opt for a militant assertion of Kalangahood in the
face of the Tswana (particularly Ngwato) who have appropriated
the post-Independence Botswana state, others (probably a
majority, and including many members of the rising Botswana
middle class) limit expressions of Kalangahood to private
situations, and in the public sphere exchange submission to
Tswana domination for personal political and economic success.
3.
Peripheral groups in the north-west
Such groups as Ndebele, Subiya, Humbukushu
and Yei, whose languages are much closer to Zimbabwean and
Zambian languages than to Tswana, have been little studied from a
sociological and political science perspective. They are mainly
administered as part of the Tawana en Ngwato neo-traditional
organization. A case apart, and relatively well studied, is that
of the Herero, who fled into Botswana in response to the German
colonial government of what is now Namibia, in the early years of
the twentieth century. For all these ethnic groups in Botswana we
have little information as to their internal ethnic processes and
their functioning under Tswana ethnic hegemony.
4.
Client groups in the arid fringes
By contrast, there is a vast literature on
the San (Bushmen), produced by an international community of
anthropologists, who however tended to see their research
participants more as specimens of ‘primitive man’ (of the
hunting and collecting ‘variety’) then as participants in a
contemporary, ethnic network of economic, political and social
relationships. The implied social and economic subordination of
the San, the increasing ecological pressure on their territory
and their being relegated to squatters and grossly underpaid
farmhands serving (under conditions of constant and blatant
humiliation including sexual harassment) the livestock interests
of Tswana-speaking absentee farmers, have however been recognized
in an increasing number of studies. In some of these, the San
appear under a new euphemism as Remote Area Dwellers
(‘RADs’), — with obvious possibilities of punning on the
name of a well-known small rodent, and, more importantly, with an
attempt to dissimulate any suggestion of ethnic identity
(characterizing them in terms of their habitat’s remoteness to
the implied centre, rather than as an ethnic group). Much of this
also applies to the Kgalakgadi, who while speaking a (rather
peripheral) Tswana dialect as distinct from the Khoi-San
languages of the San, socially and economically tend to occupy a
similar position of inferiority. In recent years the San are
becoming far more vocal, and in combination with the increasing
attention to inter-ethnic subjugation in the recent scholarly
studies this has led, in 1992, to a government moratorium (in
practice: ban) on RAD research by foreigners. Such an
infringement of research liberties is unique in the otherwise
extremely liberal and accommodating research climate of Botswana,
and signifies that here major elite interests and ethnic
conflicts in general are at stake, which would make ethnic
research all the more timely. (Wilmsen 1988, 1989, 1990, 1991)
5. Non-Africans
Although the colonial state had a rather
reticent and indirect presence in Botswana, especially at the end
of the nineteenth century the territory appeared an attractive
prize for White prospectors and settlers. Major places of White
settlement in the context of commercial farming were the Tuli
Block, Ghanzi, and the Tati company lands around Francistown.
Francistown was created, in that period, as a gold-mining town,
and despite a dramatic decline of mining in the 1910s, the town
remained, as a railway head, a centre of retail trade and
(through its airport) as a place of transition for South Central
African labour migrants heading for the Witwatersrand, a
basically White-dominated town until Independence; Africans there
very rarely held title to the land they lived on. A similar
situation obtained in Lobatse. A trickle of Indian families came
to swell the ranks of local traders, often very successfully
adapting to local conditions — e.g. Francistown’s business
community is now largely Indian and has furnished the town major
since 1987. White missionaries came and (if Protestants) brought
their families, and in the post-Independent period of diamond
mining, meat industry, and general economic growth, there was a
considerable influx of miners, artisans and technicians from
South Africa and European countries (e.g. Italy), as well as
development workers (including teachers) from throughout the
North Atlantic, particularly Scandinavia. To a considerable
extent, White-Black inter-ethnic relations in Botswana appear to
have been informed by apartheid models in neighbouring South
Africa (with which the country forms a customs union and has very
open contact, despite being a Front-line State; and of course
thousands of Batswana have first-hand experience of South Africa
as labour migrants); but at the same time there are close social,
cultural and marital associations between the Botswana elite and
the development expatriates.
Most of the history and sociology of non-Africans in Botswana
remains to be written. A rare contribution, also in terms of
quality, is Mazonde’s Manchester Ph.D. on White farming
families in the Tuli block, which shows awareness of ethnic
dimensions; its revision for publication was partly undertaken
during a research fellowship with the ASC, 1990.
Ethnicity in Botswana: themes for
research
Against the descriptive background outlined
in the previous section, there are a number of systematic reasons
why research into ethnicity in Botswana should be both exciting
and opportune.
First as an exercise in ethnic theory. The successful impression
management which has presented Botswana as an ethnic monolith to
the outside world including academia, has largely postponed the
study of ethnicity in Botswana to a point where, with the present
boom in ethnic studies all over the world, that country now
constitutes an interesting new testing ground for a number of
theoretical issues that are circulating in the international
literature.
There is a regional or continental angle as well. Botswana finds
itself in Africa, where the potency of the ethnic phenomenon has
been taken for granted since the late nineteenth-century Scramble
for that continent, and particularly in Southern Africa, where
the powerful neighbour South Africa is undergoing profound
transformation precisely in response to a history of some of the
most entrenched ethnic conflicts that the world has yet seen. What
is the relevance of general African models ,and of the South
Africa transformation, to Botswana? And what is the relevance of
Botswana for Africa and for South Africa?
These questions touch on the rather unique characteristics
Botswana has managed to develop in the course of the
post-Independence period: a steady economic growth, absence of
major internal or external conflicts, at least nominally a
consistent multi-partyism, an excellent human rights record, and
a publicly cultivated sense of continuity vis-a-vis the
nineteenth-century historic heritage which provides additional
ideological (neo-traditional) conditions for peace and growth. Of
course, this positive record is in itself subject to academic and
political myth formation (cf. Picard 1987), and that myth is one
of the most powerful tools of self-preservation in the hands of
the Tswana-oriented Botswana political and economic elite. But
even if the myth is not naively reproduced in our academic
discourse without further analysis, it does contain a fair amount
of truth. Against the prominence of ethnic phenomena throughout
Africa and in the Southern African region, one might surmise that
the remarkably positive performance of Botswana has much to do
with:
— the country’s historic ethnic
composition,
— the way ethnic processes have been
handled by the ruling elite and by politicians in general; and
— the way class formation and major
ideological processes such as the spread of mass consumption,
mass media, formal education, independent Christianity, and in
general a literate peripheral-capitalist culture, in a growth
economy, have managed to contain or dissipate divisive ethnic
mobilization.
Ethnic research on contemporary Botswana within the proposed
project would aim at disentangling these possible connections, in
ways which are profoundly relevant for the region and the
continent as a whole, and which may well have an even wider
theoretical significance.
The topicality of ethnic research in Botswana is moreover
suggested not only by the acceleration of ethnic transformations
in the wider Southern African region, but also by signs inside
the country that the habitual mechanisms of the Botswana state
and of the ruling elite to contain ethnic conflict whilst
maintaining Tswana (particularly Ngwato) dominance, are beginning
to stagnate. The 1980s saw the formation of the country’s
first and only recognized ethnic minority association, the Society
for the Propagation of the Ikalanga Language (SPIL),
— a focus for much resentment on the part of Tswana-oriented
politicians. Since the 1989 national elections, which resulted in
a further decline of opposition parties with the exception of the
BNF, the Union Movement of opposition parties has sought to
challenge BDP supremacy but has in itself been hampered by ethnic
considerations. BNF, with Gaborone as its stronghold, has
occasionally been the focus, or at least the scapegoat, of minor
rioting which suggests that the veil of peacefulness (including
ethnic peacefulness) in the country begins to be torn. The
increasing vocality of the San, and the ban on foreign research
concerning this ethnic group, also suggests mounting tensions in
state/San and Tswana/San relationships. The slightly declining
national economy (under the effects of global recession as well
as recent drought and the end of sanction-busting industry in
South Africa’s periphery) is likely to make ethnic networks of
state appropriation both more vulnerable and more important. At
the same time, official pronouncements still maintain the
monolithic Tswana illusion for the country as a whole, and thus
there is, so far, a remarkable absence of any public debate
concerning the present and future of ethnic relations in Botswana.
Ethnicity research in Botswana, provided it is properly organized
and liaised, i.e. tactfully presented as a national and internal
undertaking rather than as some foreign meddling in internal
conflict and tension, appears to be the best way to bring about
such a public national discussion, as a stepping-stone towards
prolonged ethnic peace and tolerance in the future.
While the leading questions of the proposed project are thus
outlined, it is unlikely that we can answer them by focussing
exclusively on one level or one topic. In order to assess the
contribution of inter-ethnic (including intra-Tswana)
management to post-independence stability and growth, we would
need to look both at the national and the regional and local
level, and not only among the Tswana-speaking groups but also
among the Kalanga, the peripheral groups in the north-west, those
in the arid fringes, as well as among the non-Africans.
[ The remainder of the paper dealt with the
organisational and logistic details, now obsolete, of the
proposed research project to be jointly undertaken by the
National Institute for Development Research and Documentation,
Gaborone, and the African Studies Centre, Leiden; these details
are now obsolete ]
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[1] At the request of, and after extensive
consultations with, the then Director, National Institute of
Development Research and Documentation (NIDRD), University of
Botswana, Gaborone, Botswana, this paper was drafted in October
1992., and updated in April, 1994. However, attempts in the years
1994-1995 to proceed of the implementation of the proposals
contained in this paper shipwrecked on the fact that the NIDRD,
on second thoughts, proved incapable of issuing research
clearance for this politically sensitive topic. In later years
the topic was fortunately taken up again by established Botswana
specialists such as Isaac Mazonde and Richard Werbner, who
organised a major conference in 1999 from which a book was
produced to come out in 2002. [ check these dates ] In
the author’s opinion, the present paper’s observations on
ethnicity in Botswana may still make some slight contribution to
the current revival of ethnic studies in that country.
[2] This is the only mention of ‘the eight
tribes’ in the Botswana Constitution, and exclusively for the
very specific purpose of defining the membership of the House of
Chiefs (a neo-traditional advisory body to the Government,
complementary to Parliament). However, non-Tswana ethnic
activiists in the country read this passage as denying minority
rights, or even the right to exist, to other non-Tswana groups.
This question gained further momentum by the end of the 1990s in
Botswana.
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